One of the pleasures of volunteering at Jenks Library is finding unexpected connections. Recently, a volunteer was going through a ledger that wasn’t very old. Inside, she found a ribbon printed with a picture of Acton’s Davis Monument and the dates 1775, APRIL 19th, and 1895. In another setting, it might have been taken for a meaningless piece of junk. But not at Jenks. While doing research earlier that morning, one of our other volunteers had been reading an article about Acton’s big Patriots’ Day celebration on April 19, 1895 and realized that the ribbon stuck in the ledger must have been a souvenir of that day. It was quite a coincidence to have discovered something tangible from the event while the newspaper description was so fresh in memory. In early 1895, a planning committee put together an ambitious program to commemorate Acton’s involvement in the events of April 19, 1775. The plan for the day included dedicating three historical monuments and placing markers at Revolutionary War veterans’ graves. The Sixth Massachusetts (Civil War) Regiment was to hold a reunion. Dignitaries were invited, and crowds were anticipated. Massachusetts Governor Greenhalge was invited to the celebration. He undoubtedly had a particular interest in the proceedings as he had proclaimed Patriots’ Day (April 19th) a public holiday the year before. Speaking at the Sons of the Revolution banquet that evening, he joked that he had swallowed so much dust during his afternoon in Acton that he felt as though he had a claim to a birthplace there. [Boston Post, April 20, 1895, page 4) The April 25th Concord Enterprise put a different spin on the day, stating that there was “no dust, no mud, a warm sun, a refreshing breeze.” The same Enterprise also reported that the Sixth Regiment had spent the morning of the 19th marching. When the governor arrived in the middle of their reunion meeting, the veterans declined to march out to meet him “on the ground that they had done about all the marching they wished or proposed to do.” [page 4] The April 20th Boston Post captured an outsider’s view of Acton at the time, calling it a “dreamy, tiny, one-streeted town, bejeweled in dark hills” and continuing, “Strange were the sights in ... all the Actons, Centre, South, East and West. Thronged trains flooded the little railroad stations, from morning until noon. All turned toward Acton Centre, where the big celebration was held. ALONG DUSTY LANES...” The writer described houses and public buildings festooned with patriotic decorations. The grounds of the Town Hall and the Common were filled with booths and stands set up by traveling (and apparently very noisy) barkers. Transportation was offered (for a fee) to city folks by “young hustlers, who ransacked barns and stables for spacious vehicles to transport the unwonted horde of patrons, bringing out weird things of conveyance, ramshackle some, possibly a few, apologetic all. And all through the day these wonders of contrivances following along after enthusiastic but antiquated nags, came to the Centre and went to the depots creaking under human burdens.” [page 1] John F. Fitzgerald (“Honey Fitz”), a Congressman at the time, arrived late in the day. He had married Mary J. Hannon of South Acton, and in his speech said that he “had deprived Acton of one of her fairest daughters, but she had showed her patriotism by presenting to the country this April 19, 1895, a bouncing ten-pound boy.” [page 5] He claimed himself an adopted son of Acton, as he had spent summers there for the past 20 years. A more lasting tribute to the town is that the parents named their bouncing newborn Thomas Acton Fitzgerald. After the event, the April 25th Concord Enterprise aired various views on Patriots’ Day 1895. Some had evidently hoped for even bigger crowds in Acton and blamed Boston papers for drawing away participants by “booming” about the celebrations in Lexington and Concord, “places which Acton had done much to make historic.” [page 4] A Concord writer clearly disagreed with that assessment, saying that even through the Concord event was well-planned, the event was lackluster, the townspeople were bored, and the crowd that did come was “undesirable.” [page 8] Other writers were much more positive about the day. The Acton Centre correspondent called the event a “great gala” with an orderly crowd. The West Acton correspondent noted that the whole town had pulled together, “each village and hamlet contributing a share to the glorious event.” [page 8] Even the writer disappointed by the size of the crowd finished on a positive note, saying that “Those however who took the trouble to come to Acton must have been impressed with the rural beauty of the place. Hundreds who were here on that day realized for the first time that among the Middlesex hills was a delightful little village removed far enough from the noise of the city and the rush of the steam cars to give one that quiet and rest so often sought in the summer months and no doubt many will find their way hither in consequence of this visit.” [page 4] Hopefully, the potential tourists didn’t mind the dust. 3/1/2017 Morocco in South ActonPeriodically, we are asked questions about the Morocco factory in South Acton. Aside from a couple of pictures in the Society’s collection, our information on it is fairly limited, so we decided to do some research into its history. Our first question was what exactly was manufactured in a “Morocco factory.” Though the product is unfamiliar to many of us today, when the South Acton plant was built in 1892, “morocco” would have been recognized widely as a type of leather. According to Cole’s Dictionary of Dry Goods published in that year, true Morocco was made from goatskins, a firm-but-flexible leather product with a grained surface. It was a durable material that was used for high-end book bindings, seat upholstery, and boot-tops. Over time, “morocco” also came to describe an imitation product, lightweight leather made from sheep, lamb, kid, and goatskins, primarily used in manufacturing light shoes. According to Phalen’s History of the Town of Acton, the local morocco factory (or “skin shop”) was built by Elnathan Jones and was run by his son-in-law Charles Kimball. Charles Milton Kimball (1863-1823) was born in Haverhill, Massachusetts to Benjamin Milton and Margie (Johns) Kimball. He married Carrie Evelyn Jones, daughter of Elnathan and Elizabeth (Tuttle) Jones, in South Acton on Sept. 5, 1888. Elnathan Jones was one of the owners of the prosperous and dominant Tuttles, Jones, and Wetherbee enterprise in South Acton. As Charles Kimball’s father-in-law, he may well have influenced the decision to locate in Acton, and the factory was built on Jones's land. What was not apparent from reading Phalen’s history, however, was that South Acton’s morocco business was actually a transplanted family firm from Haverhill. Haverhill had a large concentration of shoe and boot manufacturers and associated leather businesses, among them morocco. Charles M. Kimball’s grandfather Benjamin (c. 1815-1870) was listed as a morocco manufacturer there in the 1850 census. Later, with Charles’ father Benjamin Milton Kimball (1838-1910), he formed B. & B. M. Kimball & Co., morocco manufacturers with a plant in Haverhill and an office in Boston. Charles was eventually brought into the business. In 1888, Charles received a patent for an improvement in the treating of “morocco and other finished skins” that he assigned to his father and himself. As far as we can tell, the Kimballs’ morocco enterprise was large-scale and successful. A glowing report on Kimball and Son was included in a book on Haverhill by its Board of Trade in 1889. According to the write-up, the company occupied three three-story buildings on Fleet Street and one on Pleasant Street, employing 130 people and processing 750,000 skins worth $500,000 yearly. The morocco produced was of a superior grade that would hold color. The company supplied both the local and the Boston markets. Demand was so high that it had just enlarged its plant (as had its competitor Lennox and Briggs). The business was not without bumps, however. In August 1889, the company announced that, breaking with its own tradition but trying to keep up with its competitors, it would no longer pay its employees “by the piece” but would pay weekly wages instead. The company’s morocco dressers objected and about a hundred went on strike. We found news of the strike reported as far away as Shreveport, Louisiana. The strike does not seem to have ruined the company, but there was an incident of sabotage. Haverhill’s Daily Evening Bulletin (September 16, 1889, page 2) reported on “Midnight Scoundrelism.” The previous Saturday night, the main belt that powered the factory was cut into pieces and ruined, necessitating a brief shutdown while it was repaired. Whether labor unrest in Haverhill contributed to the decision to move, we don’t know. So far, the only mention that we have found of a motivation for the move was in Charles’ 1923 obituary, mentioning “the business in Haverhill being incorporated into a larger concern,” implying that they sold out and started again. Whatever inspired the decision, by 1892, they were on the move. On September 16, it was reported in the Concord Enterprise that “Messrs. Kimball & Son of Haverhill will move their morocco manufactory from that city to South Acton as soon as a building can be erected for them. A building seventy-five feet long, three stories high, with an addition sixty [feet] long and one story high has been staked out and the work will be pushed forward as speedily as possible. About fifty hands will be employed in the factory.” By January 5, 1893, the factory was running. The Enterprise reported that those employed so far had come with the business from Haverhill and that the company had “bright prospects and a large number of orders.” A factory inspection report published in January 1894 by the Secretary of the Commonwealth showed that the business was at that point employing 58 men, by far the largest manufacturing enterprise in town. By current standards, leather work was apparently smelly, hazardous, and polluting. No complaints about that appeared in the local paper. On the contrary, a drought in late August of 1894 that necessitated digging a new well at the morocco factory inspired the news that there was “A big haul of fish near the morocco factory. Low water, fish in a hole, scooped out with a rake. Result – eat fish one week.” (Concord Enterprise Aug. 30, 1894, page 8) One has to wonder about the health of the fish. Business was still doing well in 1895 according to the Enterprise, and a week’s stoppage in 1897 was attributed to the company running out of stock due to a delay in a tariff bill, presumably the protectionist Dingley Tariff passed under President McKinley. The first indication that the business might be contracting was found in the Commonwealth’s inspection report published in January 1899 for the previous year. By that time, there only 26 men employed in the morocco business, and the sanitary conditions were graded “fair.” (It was still, however, the largest manufacturer listed in Acton at the time.) In 1900, the company established a new time schedule. From then on, the working hours were 6:30 a.m. to noon and 12:45 p.m. to 6 p.m., with a Saturday closing-time at noon. The schedule was popular with employees for its generous half-holiday on Saturdays according to the Enterprise. The possibility that the change might have resulted from financial concerns was not mentioned. Phalen stated that as public tastes changed, the market for morocco declined. The Boot & Shoe Recorder of August 7, 1901 indicated that there was great uncertainty about what styles would be fashionable in the coming spring season, with some indications that patent leather and canvas were taking over from colored morocco. Perhaps relatedly, the Acton Concord Enterprise reported strikes in four morocco factories in Lynn, MA in November 1901. We found no explicit mention of financial strain in the Kimballs’ business, but an Enterprise article on May 21, 1902 reported that B. M. Kimball & Son, proprietors of the morocco factory, would soon retire. “During the past ten years since their business has been established in town they have done much for its improvement not only from a business standpoint but have also proved themselves true public spirited men. This change only adds to the already unsettled condition of affairs in the village and the future appears anything but clear.” The unsettled condition of the factory continued for several years. Reports would surface in the Concord Enterprise of firms that were taking over or were looking at the factory, including The McLean Mfg. Co. of Boston (August 5, 1903), C. Brandt & Co. leather dressers (April 13, 1904), and several unnamed firms including an aluminum manufacturer (January 23, 1907). At some point, ice cream pails evidently were produced there. Finally, a viable business moved in, Moore and Burgess, (originally named the South Acton Webbing Company, later Moore and Cram), a producer of narrow woven fabrics in cotton and silk (Enterprise, January 22, 1908). It was so successful that it moved to new quarters in West Concord in 1916-17. The South Acton morocco factory eventually was torn down, and, according to Phalen, lumber, bricks and windows were taken by townspeople to incorporate into other buildings, spreading around the town a unique part of Acton’s history. The in-progress Assabet River Rail Trail is expected to go past the factory site. A portion of the Jones land abutting the mill pond has been preserved in the past few years and is known as the Caouette Simeone Farmland. 2/6/2017 Before They Had TapeWe deal with many documents at Jenks Library of various ages and in conditions ranging from pristine to tattered. After a while, it is easy to lose the awe that one first feels when working with something “old.” Recently, though, we looked at an item and realized how much we take for granted. One of our volunteers has been going through a gold mine of donated records from the Tenney family. Some date back to the 1700s. Along with providing details about an old Acton family, they also made us think about a problem we don’t have, what to do when an important document rips and there’s no tape for mending. To our delight, we discovered a deed from 1798 that must have ripped long ago; someone had carefully stitched it back together with thread.
In the same batch of documents is an account book. We have a fair number of those at the Society from the mid-1800s on, usually a purchased, blank book that a person used to keep track of receipts, expenses, debts, wages or important facts. The 1783 Tenney book is different, however, because it wasn’t a bound volume. Instead, someone had taken paper, stitched it by hand and folded it several times, creating a custom book in which to jot down significant details. Little discoveries can jolt us out of the present to think more deeply about the people whose items we are handling. In this case, seeing threads holding together fragile papers made us think of the person wielding the needle, someone who needed to preserve valuable documents and had to make do with what was available. The person's mission was accomplished; the deed, the account book, and the stitching have survived, probably much longer than the owner ever envisioned. 1/23/2017 Sorting Out John SwiftsOne of the tricky aspects of researching early Acton people is the fact that names were often repeated. Children were named for parents, grandparents, aunts, uncles, and deceased siblings. Trying to disentangle identities with the sparse information in early records can be frustrating.
An example is John Swift. Reverend John Swift’s identity is clear. He appears in Acton Town Meeting records, chosen in 1738 to be the first pastor of the town’s new church. (The formation of the church was a requirement for Acton to become an independent town.) Reverend John Swift, (son of Reverend John Swift, the first minister of Framingham), graduated from Harvard in 1733, was living in Framingham when he was called to Acton, and married Abigail Adams of Medway. He served as Acton’s minister for 37 years. According to Fletcher’s 1890 Acton in History, as Isaac Davis’s Company passed Reverend Swift’s home on the way to Concord on April 19, 1775, he “waved his benedictions over them.” It fell upon him to conduct the funeral of Isaac Davis, James Hayward and Abner Hosmer who were killed that day. Unfortunately, Reverend Swift contracted smallpox and died In November, 1775. He was buried in Woodlawn cemetery. There seems to be agreement on those facts of Reverend Swift's life. However, over time, some stories have become muddled because he named his son… John Swift. Son John was born on November 18, 1841. He graduated from Harvard in 1762 and became Acton’s first physician. In 1767, Doctor John Swift married Catharine Davies of Acton. On the morning of April 19, 1775, he saw that Thomas Thorp was heading to join Isaac Davis's Company without a cartridge box and gave him one that 60 years later, Thorp recalled in a deposition "had on the outside a piece of red cloth in the shape of a heart." In the midst of the excitement and tragedy that unfolded, Doctor John was also dealing with family matters; his son Luther was born the following day. Massachusetts Soldiers and Sailors in the War of the Revolution shows that John Swift of Acton marched as a private with Capt. Simon Hunt’s Company to help fortify Dorchester Heights, March 4, 1776, a service of 6 days. Because the only documented Revolutionary military service of an Acton John Swift took place in 1776 after the death of the Reverend and we have found no indication of other John Swifts in town, this must have been John the physician. Doctor John died in 1781, leaving wife Catherine and two young sons John Hollis and Luther. Up to this point, we were confident that we had identified two John Swifts in Acton, one a Reverend who died in November 1775 of smallpox, and another, his son the doctor who marched on Dorchester Heights in 1776 and died in 1781. Probate records available through AmericanAncestors.org confirm the family relationship and their death years. However, along with the online availability of records that help us to answer questions has come the availability of sources that can raise more issues. A 1913 Concord Enterprise article (“Historical Sermon,” October 22, page 10) stated that Reverend John Swift “labored for the soldiers who were in camp at Cambridge and died from small pox.” This may well have been true, but documenting Reverend Smith’s service in Cambridge has proved difficult. The article seems to imply that his service to soldiers is how he contracted smallpox. Smallpox in the crowded camps and in Boston at the time was a well-known problem, but Fletcher says that smallpox was also in Acton. Where the Enterprise writer got information about service in Cambridge, we don’t know. Because this story did not appear in any other source that we could find about Reverend Swift, we couldn’t help wondering if the person who was in the camps was actually the son Doctor John Swift. We have no way of knowing. We were not the only ones confused. Shattuck’s 1835 history of Concord mentions college graduate “John Swift, only child of the Rev. John Swift, born Nov. 18, 1741, grad. 1762; settled as a physician in Acton where he died of the small-pox, about 1775.” Thomas Harrington’s 1905 history of Harvard Medical School discussed the six members of Harvard’s class of 1762 who entered the medical profession, including John Swift who “was in practice at Acton, where he died of smallpox during the epidemic of 1775.” In the 1859 New England Historical & Genealogical Register, (Vol. 13, page 308), a footnote about the first Reverend John Swift (of Framingham) said: “His only son, John, b. Jan. 14, 1713-14, (H.C. 1733) was ord. at Acton, 1738, m. Abigail Adams of Medway, had son, John, H.C. 1762, who was a physician and d. of small-pox in 1775.” If we had not been puzzled before reading that sentence, we certainly were afterwards. A church history of the Worcester Association and its Antecedents written by Joseph Allen in 1868 acknowledged both John Swifts, saying that Reverend Swift died in 1775 “of the small-pox as did also, the same year, his son John, who was a practicing physician in Acton.” The two John Swifts of Acton are obviously a challenge to differentiate. Both of their professions could have led them to Cambridge to serve the soldiers stationed there, and it would have been logical to assume that it was the doctor who died of smallpox in 1775. Separate gravestones would have helped to separate the two Johns and their death dates, but there is no individual stone for Doctor John Swift, apparently no death record, and no burial record to prove that he was buried in Woodlawn Cemetery. Doctor John’s wife remarried and was buried in Stow, MA, and their surviving sons moved away. Records of the Massachusetts Sons of the American Revolution show that they had marked the Acton grave of John Swift by 1901. Presumably, the marker was placed by the burial mound with a single gravestone for “Reverend John Swift and his Family,” but there is no SAR marker there today, and exactly which family members are buried in the plot is unknown. The moral of this particular story is that just because a source is old or a “fact” has been repeated many times, it is not necessarily accurate. Today’s family historians know to double-check modern family trees found online, but it is easy to assume that writers of older histories and genealogies had access to people’s memories, Family Bibles, and other lost sources that gave them better information than we have. That can be true, but in the case of our John Swifts, it was not. In this particular case, we were fortunate to find probate records for both men and for Doctor John’s children; the dates and relationships in those records allowed us to recognize confusion and errors in the other sources we came across. 1/8/2017 Annie E. Payson, Artist in ActonRecently we came across three small, matted watercolors that belong to the Society. They are all marked “Acton Mass” on the back. A cursory glance made one of us think they were done by Arthur F. Davis, a prolific local artist who painted several works owned by the Society. However, a more careful observer noticed that the initials on one of the paintings were actually AEP, and another was clearly marked “Payson.” Payson was a painter completely unknown to us. Having previously conducted research projects only to discover that one of our predecessors at Jenks Library had already covered the same ground, we have learned the importance of finding out what others have written about our subject and asking current members what they know. We found a Society newsletter from 1999 that mentioned the donation of the paintings from the estate of Marie (Davis) Hunt. At that time, no one knew who A. E. Payson was, although the writer had found Arthur E., Annie E., and Aurin E. Payson in Acton’s 1910 Census and was asking for help figuring out which of them was the artist. Fortunately, before we even had time to start our research, we were joined at Jenks by a Society member who had been present when the Memorial Library received a donation of two paintings done by Annie E. Payson, definitively identified as the family's painter. Now we had questions of our own; who was Annie E. Payson and why hadn’t we heard of her before? We started with the 1910 census from which we learned that Arthur E. (age 51) and Annie E. (53) Payson lived on Concord Road in Acton with their two sons, Aurin E. (18) and Arthur H. (16). Arthur E. was a “Commercial Traveller” (salesman) of Lubricating Oil, and Annie was listed as having no occupation. That was common for women at the time, but we found the following ad in the March 2 Concord Enterprise of that year: TEACHER IN PAINTING Pupils wanted in Oil and Drawing to enter class. Studio open from 9 a. m. to 3 p. m. Orders taken in Oil and Pastel. ANNIE E. PAYSON Acton, Mass. We found identical ads in Concord Enterprise issues dating back to December 1908. Because someone in Acton probably took lessons from her or owned her paintings, we thought it would be easy to find more about her and her work. Disappointingly, beyond those newspaper ads and her local paintings, we have found no traces of her art training or her experiences as a painter and teacher. However, we did learn about her family and their years in Acton. Annie Payson's Family Annie Edwards Payson was born in Salem, Massachusetts to Augustus and Elizabeth Ann/Annie Elizabeth (Edwards) Hardy. She was, supposedly, a member of the well-known Jonathan Edwards family on her mother’s side, while her father’s New Hampshire ancestor Phine(h)as Hardy’s military service later allowed her to become a member of the DAR. Annie’s birth date (from Salem records) was August 9, 1855, although her age in subsequent records is not always consistent with that date. Her father Augustus Hardy was a painter (of houses) and later had a door, sash and blind business. By the 1865 Massachusetts census, he had moved his family to Boston. Perhaps Annie was able to get training in painting there; we have not yet found records that yield information about what she did as a young woman. On December 17, 1890 in Malden, Massachusetts, thirty-one-year-old Annie “B” Hardy, resident of Malden, married Arthur E(liot) Payson, a merchant residing in Malden, son of Aurin M. and Hannah G. Payson. Arthur and Annie’s sons Aurin Eliot and Arthur Hardy Payson were both born in Malden, and the family was still there for the 1900 census. Arthur E. was a salesman. In early years, he worked in the sash and blinds business. By 1904, according to the Malden directory of that year, the Paysons had moved to Acton. Their connection to the town seems to have been through Annie’s siblings. Annie’s brother Harry was an Acton resident when he died in 1898. Arthur and Nellie Hardy, two of her other siblings, spent the summer that year in South Acton (Concord Enterprise, June 23, 1898). Arthur Hardy and his wife had moved to South Acton by 1902 according to a directory at Jenks Library and were still residents in the 1910 census. The Paysons' Acton Years After moving in, Arthur E. Payson, Annie, and their sons seem quickly to have become part of the fabric of the town. The earliest mentions of the family in the Concord Enterprise were of the boys’ involvement in the Acton Center Boys' Club in the spring of 1905. By April, 1907, Aurin was president of the club and A. Hardy was secretary. The boys participated in musical and other performances, and Aurin was involved in the Grange and sang at the Congregational Church. Their father also was involved in the Grange and was elected as an officer in December 1907 and as Worthy Master in December 1908. He participated in debates that seem to have been popular entertainments of the time, gave vocal performances, and performed in plays. He also was involved in politics to some extent and served on the committee appointed to try to get Acton Centre into the new water district in 1912. Annie’s name appeared often in the Concord Enterprise in her ads from late 1908 to early 1910. Despite much searching, we were only able to find a few other tidbits about Annie’s Acton life from newspaper accounts. She was responsible for the “handsome decorations” at a Boys’ Club production in April 1907 and appeared as Liberty in a patriotic ladies’ play at the Grange meeting discussed in the March 4, 1908 Enterprise. She fell on the ice in February 1909 and broke bones in her wrist, necessitating a visit to Carney Hospital in the city and several weeks of healing. Mostly she was mentioned when she hosted Payson and Hardy relatives and when she visited elsewhere. The Payson boys were teenagers at the beginning of the era when Acton students were sent to Concord for their secondary education. Aurin may have done sports and was definitely in the debating club. He was awarded a prize as the best individual debater at Concord High School in May 1909, a point of local pride. He graduated cum laude in 1911, after which he headed off to Boston University. Arthur (also known as Hardy) seems to have participated during high school in sports, music and theater. He graduated from Concord High School with the class of 1912; his portrait is in a collection for that class at the Concord Library. He did a post-graduate year at Concord High School. In May 1913, he starred in a Concord production of The Mikado; the Enterprise reported rave reviews of his talents in both comedy and singing. A number of people went from Acton Centre to see him perform. Judging from news items about the Payson family in the Concord Enterprise, they moved from Acton to Wollaston (MA) between May 28, 1913 and June 24, 1914. In later years, they would show up periodically in the newspaper either as visitors to Acton or when a significant event occurred such as an engagement or receiving a commission in the army. After Acton Arthur and Annie stayed in Quincy/Wollaston except for 1925 when they were listed in the Cambridge directory. Arthur was an oil dealer/salesman in Boston. Annie died in Reading (MA) in 1929 and was buried in Mount Auburn Cemetery in Cambridge. Arthur, a widower, lived in Reading in 1930 and died there in 1936.
Aurin Payson graduated from Boston University in 1915 and from Harvard Business School the next year. After military service during World War I and a stint in banking in New York, Aurin quickly worked up to being president of the American Thermos Company in Norwich, Connecticut, a position he held for many years. He also became involved in Norwich civic affairs, served as trustee and director for other institutions, and served as president and Chairman of the Board of Chelsea Savings Bank. His brother Arthur Hardy apparently attended Boston University’s College of Business Administration and also worked in Boston after high school. He returned to Concord in February 1915 to perform with the Graduate Glee Club in H. M. S. Pinafore. His amusing antics were noted in an opening night review in the Boston Daily Globe (February 14, page 96). He served in the Quartermaster Corps during World War I. In the 1920s, he worked in Boston as an assistant treasurer and then moved to Springfield, Ohio to work as a salesman. By 1929, he had moved to Norwich and was also working for the American Thermos Company. Both brothers were granted patents in conjunction with their Thermos work, for example a 1936 patent for a "double walled vacuum receptacle" that listed both of them as inventors. Arthur co-designed at least one museum-worthy piece for the company; his Thermosphere Carafe is in the Cooper Hewitt Museum. (Annie obviously was not the only family member with an artist’s eye.) Arthur also worked up the ranks of the Thermos company, eventually becoming president and Chairman of the Board. Over the years, the Payson brothers stopped appearing in the Acton newspapers, though they may have visited. They were certainly remembered; when Harold Phalen, their Acton Center Boys’ Club compatriot, wrote his 1954 history of the town, he included Aurin Payson’s Debate Cup win as a notable event. The Paysons’ stay in Acton was not long. We are fortunate that Annie left tangible reminders of their time here and that the Society received a donation of some of her paintings. Those interested in her work can also see one of her oil paintings on display at the Faulkner Homestead in South Acton. We would like to learn more about Annie and her art; if you have information or could show us other examples of her work, please contact us. The Society is collaborating on a project documenting all historical markers and memorials in the town of Acton. While researching the 1903 dedication of a memorial to Francis Barker, the drummer who marched to Concord's North Bridge with Isaac Davis’s company, we discovered that a stone was dedicated the same day in memory of Captain Joseph Brown, “one of Acton’s soldiers of the Revolution.” Following up, we found a Boston Daily Globe article (April 20, 1903) that called Captain Joseph “a prominent man in his time both in business circles and in town affairs.” Fletcher’s Acton in History lists Joseph Brown as an Acton man who “fought at Bunker Hill and Saratoga, and received a ball at Bunker Hill, which lodged in his body and was afterwards skillfully extracted and Brown shot it back at Saratoga.” (page 263) Fletcher also stated that Joseph Brown moved onto Captain Isaac Davis’s farm. Relatively little attention today seems to be given to the Acton men who served in the Revolution after the North Bridge Battle. We decided to learn more about Captain Joseph Brown, starting with the information on the memorial stone. Captain Joseph apparently was born in 1752. He was not born in Acton, and Brown was a common name, making research conclusions difficult. Fortunately, a great-great grandson Charles Leonard Brown's Sons of the American Revolution application stated that Joseph's parents were Joseph Brown and Grace Fairbanks. Joseph and Grace Brown lived in Stow, Massachusetts, and many of their children’s births were recorded in the 1733-1750 period. We have not been able to locate a birth or baptism record for Joseph, but his place in the family was confirmed in a probate record. Joseph Sr.’s will left to his son Joseph a colt, a saddle, and thirteen pounds, five shillings and eight pence to be paid out when Joseph reached the age of twenty-one (Middlesex County Probate file #3104). A guardianship paper (file #3105) stated that on 11 April 1769, Joseph’s son Joseph was in his 17th year, corroborating the 1752 birth date on Captain Brown’s stone.
Joseph grew up in a large family in which military service and leadership seem to have been the norm. His brothers Jabez (Ensign) and Joshua both participated in the French and Indian War, and starting April 19, 1775, at least four of the family’s sons served in the American Revolution, three as officers. We did not find Joseph in a list of Stow soldiers who were in the Concord fight on April 19, 1775. (See Crowells’ Stow, Massachusetts, 1683-1933.) However, Joseph did sign up to serve in Captain Samuel Patch of Stow’s company, part of William Prescott’s Regiment that was heavily involved in the action at Battle of Bunker Hill. His brother Joshua was the Lieutenant of the company. According to the Crowells’ history, the men of the company “contested their ground inch by inch with the red coats and when powder and bullets failed, emulating the example of Lieut. Brown, the Stow men gave them stones.” (page 73) Joseph was wounded and, fortunately, recovered. In the company roster of October 1775, Joseph’s rank was given as sergeant. The next recorded service of Joseph Brown was in March 1776 when he marched from Acton to Roxbury with Israel Heald’s Company to help end the siege of Boston. Joseph Brown married Dorothy Barker. Dorothy’s brother was Francis Barker, whose similar and nearby memorial stone was dedicated on the same day as Joseph’s. The marriage is not in Acton’s records or any Massachusetts records that we could find, although a June, 1776 New Hampshire record shows a marriage of Joseph Browne and Dorothy Barker by Reverend Samuel Cotton of Litchfield. (According to Hurd’s History of Hillsborough County, New Hampshire, Rev. Cotton was chaplain of the First New Hampshire Regiment for a time; perhaps there was a family or military connection.) Joseph and Dorothy’s first child Joseph was born in Acton in October, 1776. At some point, they moved onto the farm that had been owned by Isaac Davis when he led his company to Concord. Joseph Brown and his family lived there for many years. Nowadays, the property is associated with Isaac Davis; most people do not realize that another Revolutionary War soldier lived there as well. On January 1, 1777, Joseph Brown became an Ensign in his brother (Captain) Joshua Brown’s company in the Massachusetts 15th Regiment under Colonel Timothy Bigelow. Massachusetts Soldiers and Sailors in the War of the Revolution says that he served 27 months at that rank. The Company was apparently stationed January-August at Van Schaik’s Island. In the early fall 1777, they participated in the Battle of Saratoga. We have few details of Joseph’s service, but the story of his shooting back the ball with which he was wounded at Bunker Hill obviously survived in Acton lore. That winter, the Regiment was at Valley Forge, although online muster rolls indicate that Joseph Brown was on furlough January-May 1778. The 15th Massachusetts was involved in the Battle at Monmouth Courthouse on June 28, 1778. We were not able to discover whether Joseph Brown was back with his company by that time. Later that summer, the regiment participated in the Battle of Rhode Island. Joseph Brown was made first Lieutenant in April, 1779. His son Francis Barker Brown was born in May, 1779. One can imagine that Joseph’s military service caused hardship for wife Dorothy and his young children. In July, the warrant for Acton’s town meeting included Article 7, “To see if the Town will agree to Do Something Toward the Support of Lieut. Joseph Browns family while he is in the Publick Service.” (The town voted against helping his family.) Joseph Brown was made Captain in 1780 (different sources give somewhat different dates for that event). Muster rolls place Captain Joseph Brown’s company in Camp “Tenack” (presumably Teaneck, New Jersey) in July. He resigned his commission on November 15, 1780. After Captain Brown returned to Acton, more children followed: Nathaniel Greene (1781), Dorothy (1783) and Abigail (Oct. 12, 1784). Sadly, Captain Joseph’s wife Dorothy died October 19, 1784. Presumably, widower Joseph found help with caring for his young children during the 1780s. Town treasurer’s records during this period document payment to him for boarding a woman, almost surely someone poor, and for “Keeping School in his Society.” Unfortunately, we have no more information about either his School or his Society. Joseph Brown married Betsy Putnam of Stow in 1790. Acton records showed births to the couple of a second daughter Abigail (1790, died 1792), Samuel Putnam (1792), Betsey (1794), Luke (1796), Thomas (1798, died 1801), James (1800), Eunice (baptized 1803), and a second Thomas (1805). By the 1790s, town reports show that Captain Brown was very involved in town affairs. In addition to occasionally providing labor for the town, (such as digging a well or “transporting State arms to Boston”), he was chosen in various years to serve as town meeting moderator, highway surveyor, or fish warden. He boarded or provided wood for poor town residents. He was obviously held in high esteem in the community; he was appointed to many committees, often dealing with potentially (or actually) contentious issues such as overseeing and reconciling settlements and abatements for the town treasurer, settling on juror and voter lists, overseeing “cow pox” vaccinations, inspecting, redistricting, or selling off the town’s schools, and finding a site for a new meetinghouse (a political quagmire at the time). He was a member of the very early Social Library in Acton as evidenced by his being fined 4 cents in 1801 for two soiled pages in Pilgrim’s Progress. In 1803, Captain Brown was appointed tax collector and constable. He was paid one cent on the dollars he collected and was expected to serve as constable for free. He served in that capacity (in one year apparently “free from any expence to the Town”) until 1810 when he requested a replacement be found. It is not clear from town records why Captain Brown stepped down, but in the 1810-1811 period, he seems to have asked to be repaid for poll taxes that he had paid “a number of year back” and for some tax collection work that he had done, presumably for free. The town voted no. In April 1812, the town meeting warrant included an article about purchasing Captain Joseph Brown’s pew No. 30 in the meeting house. The article was dismissed. We have no way of knowing the circumstances. He had been relatively well-off, but he may have been land-rich and cash poor at the time. He may have been sick. We do know that he died August 9, 1813 in Acton. He died intestate; his affairs were handled by son Nathaniel Greene, yielding a 54-page probate file. Along with his personal possessions that included clothing, household goods, and furniture, he owned his farm (house, barn, well, fields, an orchard, livestock and farm implements), wood lots and unimproved land, meadow land, his pew #30 in the meetinghouse, and a horse stable on the Common near the meetinghouse. He also left debts totaling $1,091 that necessitated selling pieces of real estate to raise cash. It must have been a difficult period for his family. Captain Joseph’s son Samuel Putnam Brown, serving in the War of 1812, died in July, 1814. Joseph, Jr. died in February, 1815, leaving a widow and young children. Nathaniel seems to have taken care of the farm while wrapping up the estate’s affairs and providing for his own young family. When we starting researching Captain Joseph Brown, we had no idea where he came from, who his family was, or anything about his life other than the few mentions of him in Fletcher’s History. We were not confident that we would find records to flesh out his story. As it turns out, available records showed that Captain Joseph Brown lived quite a life of service. Though he was injured at Bunker Hill and had young children to provide for, he continued to serve in the military, a commitment that produced financial strain for his family. Once home, he served the town of Acton in a surprising variety of ways. Ninety years after his death, his grandson John M. Brown funded the erection of a memorial stone. On April 20, 1903, townspeople gathered for a dedication ceremony at Woodlawn Cemetery. A band played the “Star Spangled Banner” while a representative from the Bunker Hill Chapter, Daughters of the American Revolution, unveiled the Joseph Brown monument. For anyone interested in Acton sites with Joseph Brown connections, one can start at his memorial stone located in the “Revolutionary War” section of Woodlawn Cemetery to the left of the main gate. Acton Memorial Library's “Not Afraid to Go” exhibit has on display an epaulet that he wore during his military service, remarkably well-preserved. At 39 Hayward Road, one can see the Isaac Davis farm memorial stone that marks the farm where Isaac Davis and later Joseph Brown lived with their families. Farther down Hayward Road, one comes to the Minuteman Ridge Neighborhood. When it was developed in the 1960s, one of the streets was named “Captain Brown’s Lane.”
William Rodway was not in the United States for very long, and because William was a common English Rodway name, it took some effort to make sure that we matched the correct William to records overseas. Fortunately, his death record and obituaries, coupled with census, vital, and immigration records for his mother and siblings, allowed us to piece together some of his life story.
William G. Rodway was born in Castle Hanley, Worcestershire, England, between January and March 1873. He was born to parents also from Worcestershire, William Rodway, born in Welland, and Sarah Booker, born in Leigh. William G. was baptized on March 23, 1873 in Malvern Wells. He was recorded in the Welland 1881 Census (at age 8) with his parents and siblings Charles (age 11), Harry (10), James (6), Roslina (usually known as Rose, 4), and Alice (2). His father was an agricultural laborer. We have not yet established what happened to the family between 1881 and 1889. According to British death indices, a William Rodway died in 1883 in the registration district that contains Welland; he was probably the father of the family, though that fact has not been confirmed. We did find that William G’s older brothers Charles and Harry emigrated from Liverpool to Boston in May, 1888. The next year, William Rodway (age 14) travelled on the ship Cephalonia with his mother Sarah (45) and siblings James (11), Rose (9), George (7), and Helen (5), arriving in Boston on April 8. They probably headed to Acton because they had relatives there. Apparently, Sarah had a brother George Booker who had emigrated previously with his family and settled in Acton. William Rodway was, from what we can tell, an active young man. Thanks to the Concord Enterprise, we know that by November 10, 1892, he was in a militia company in Concord with his brother Harry, both of them having obtained marksman qualifications. We already knew that he played football; he was enough of a leader to be the captain of the team, and his athleticism earned praise. The November 12, 1896 Concord Enterprise called him a "great all around player." The previous week, it had been reported that he had scored all of the touchdowns in a game against Maynard. (See team photographs here.) For some time prior to his enlistment, William Rodway worked for the West End Railway in Boston. Whether he enlisted with acquaintances from his workplace, we do not know, but instead of joining the “Concord company” (Massachusetts Sixth Regiment, Company I) with others from Acton, he signed on with Company C of the Ninth Massachusetts Volunteers. He was made a corporal. According to the Adjutant General’s Report published by the Secretary of the Commonwealth (1898 Annual Reports, Volume X), the Ninth trained for a few weeks at Camp Dewey in South Framingham (May 1898) before being sent to Camp Alger in Virginia for more drilling and endurance training (June 1898). They set sail for Cuba on the USS Harvard on June 26, arriving on the afternoon of July 1. That night, they were ordered to do an overnight march to the front where they took their places in the trenches. (Letters published in the Boston Post of July 18th reported that they spent little time actually shooting. They lacked smokeless powder and their Springfield rifles created too much smoke, so they were sent to stay in the trenches as backups.) Unfortunately, the original orders to march had specified that the men leave their blanket rolls behind, leaving them little protection from the elements. After the city of Santiago surrendered on July 17th, the regiment participated in the ceremony, and on the 18th, the regiment was moved from the trenches and “was sent back some four miles to bivouac in a swamp; and here disease in an alarming degree broke out among our troops. The officers and men, all of whom had borne up in a remarkable manner until now, seemed to succumb at once, and the sick roll increased tremendously.” (page 187) During the next few weeks, the regiment “was practically struggling for its existence against the inroads of disease and the inclemency of the weather. In details those men who were able to stand upon their feet were ordered to the hospital to assist the sick; and it was this work, so admirably and unselfishly done, that completed the work of devastation, and sent home to the Commonwealth of Massachusetts the tottering remnants of as physically strong a regiment as this State ever possessed.” (page 188) Local newspapers reported on deplorable conditions, widespread sickness, and losses endured by the regiment. (The Boston Post, in particular, published letters, reports, and disputes over blame.) Pressure built to get the regiment out of Cuba. It was sent to Montauk Point, Long Island on September 1. On September 15, 1898, the Concord Enterprise’s West Acton news stated that Harry Rodway was visiting his brother William who was in critical condition at Camp Wikoff, Montauk Point, New York. It added, “Harry returned home Friday, but started back again Tuesday, the family feeling so anxious for the sick one.” The September 20, 1898 Boston Post reported that William G. Rodway was very sick in the hospital in the camp at Montauk awaiting the opportunity to be sent home. A doctor from Boston City Hospital was travelling back and forth, trying to accompany the sick to Boston. The October 6th Enterprise reported that William was improved and expected home soon. Sadly, William Rodway died of dysentery on October 18, 1898 in St. Peter’s Hospital, Brooklyn, New York. According to an obituary in the Boston Daily Globe (Oct 20, page 7), his brother brought him home. Family and friends must have been shocked when they realized what happened to him; according to his Concord Enterprise obituary (Oct. 27, page 8), “He was a young man of fine personal appearance and splendid physique, but had become so emaciated by disease none would have recognized him.” His funeral was attended by, among others, members of his company and the Acton G.A.R. post who attended as a group. All flags were at half-mast and businesses closed in the afternoon “in honor of the brave young life given at the country’s call.” After the funeral, he was buried with military honors (provided by members of the Ninth Regiment) at Mount Hope Cemetery. William G. Rodway was not in the United States long enough to be found on a surviving census. As far as we know, he never became a citizen. Yet when volunteers were called for, he signed up to help the cause of his adopted country. It only seems right that the people of Acton should remember him as one of their men who served. 10/4/2016 Acton Women's 1895 VoteA short news item from South Acton in the Oct. 31, 1895 Concord Enterprise caught our attention: “Five brave ladies of this village faced the registrars last Tuesday night, answered the usual questions and are now qualified to vote on election day on the question of woman suffrage.” (page 4) Knowing that women did not get the right to vote until years later, we looked into how this vote came about.
In the long movement toward women’s suffrage in Massachusetts, there were a few moments when progress seemed to be made. One of them was in 1879, when Massachusetts women were granted to right to vote for their local school committee. Those who wanted full suffrage for women thought that school committee suffrage would be followed by voting rights in municipal, state and national elections. It was a long wait. After years of agitation, in May 1895, the Massachusetts legislature voted to allow a non-binding referendum to appear on the November 1895 ballot. “All persons qualified to vote for school committee shall at the next state election have an opportunity to express their opinion by voting ‘Yes’ or ‘No’ in answer to the question, ‘Is it expedient that municipal suffrage be granted to women?’” (quoted in the July 25, 1895 Concord Enterprise, page 3; see also Massachusetts Acts and Resolves of the General Court, 1895, chapter 436) The referendum caused divisions on both sides of the issue. Supporters of women’s suffrage felt that nothing helpful could come out of a non-binding referendum; some advocated boycotting it. Female opponents of suffrage had to face the dilemma of needing to register to vote in order to cast a ballot against voting. Opinion pieces on both sides showed up with the Enterprise’s South Acton news in the weeks preceding the election, and one writer helpfully listed all the privileges that accrued to women because they were not considered fully independent apart from their husbands. (They were not, for example, held responsible for selling liquors illegally or for committing a misdemeanor in their husbands’ presence, because they were “presumed to have been coerced and are prima facie excused.” Concord Enterprise, Oct. 31, 1895, page 4) The referendum took place on November 5, 1895. The vote went against women’s municipal suffrage. In Acton, the November 7 Concord Enterprise (page 5) gave the local results: Acton Centre (Precinct 1) 13 Yes, 73 No South Acton (Precinct 2) 28 Yes and 60 No West Acton (Precinct 3) 29 Yes and 50 No In the same Enterprise, South Acton’s news column said that because the issue had been decided, no more opinion pieces on women’s suffrage would be published. The newspaper did not report the number of women who voted in Acton, but the state later published breakdowns by town. In Acton, two women from Precinct 1, five women from Precinct 2 (the “five brave ladies” from South Acton), and 14 from Precinct 3 were registered, and all but one from West Acton actually voted. One would assume that the Acton women who voted would have been in favor of suffrage, as the vast majority of Massachusetts’ voting women were, but Concord’s news reported some of its women registered only “to be able to vote against it.” Both sides of the 1895 referendum claimed a victory, of sorts. The fact that the “No” side won and that only a very small percentage of eligible women actually voted led the anti-suffrage groups to claim that women did not want the vote. Suffrage supporters argued that because over 96% of women who voted were on the “yes” side, women did indeed want the vote. The campaign for women’s suffrage was a drawn-out, draining process. It was twenty years before another referendum on women’s suffrage came up in Massachusetts, and the voters, only men that time, voted it down again. Massachusetts women finally gained the full right to vote in 1920 with the ratification of the 19th amendment. Hopefully, Acton's "brave ladies" who wanted to vote lived long enough to see it happen. We recently found a copy of an envelope advertising Littlefield’s ANTI-FLY, manufactured by H. A. Littlefield in West Acton, Mass. That name was too enticing to ignore, so we set out to learn more about the business. The envelope stated that Anti-Fly was a liquid concoction harmless to people and animals but discouraging to flies, roaches, ants, bed bugs and more. The enterprising Mr. Littlefield also stated that if there were insufficient postage on the envelope, it should be given to a Cattle Owner. An ad for the product appeared in the August 25, 1898 Concord Enterprise: “Stop the flies tormenting your horses and cows. Make $10.00 extra profit on each cow by using Littlefield’s Anti-Fly. Sold at all stores. If not send to H. A. Littlefield, Manfr, West Acton. 1 qt can, 50c; ½ gal, $1.00; 1 gal, $1.50; 5 gals, $5.00. Sprayer free with every can.” August 10, 1899 ads expanded: “Don’t Let Your Cows dry up during fly time. Anti-Fly keeps up full flow of milk.” and “Lice On Hens. Get rid of them. Use Anti-Fly freely about the roosts and in the nests.” By July 26, 1900, an ad cautioned "Anti-Fly is well known, sure, safe and economical. Don't be imposed upon with any cheap substitute, which in the end costs more and only results in disappointment." As it turns out, the Anti-Fly business had a lot of competition. Online newspapers show ads for other “anti-fly” products all over the country, at least back into the 1880s and on into the early twentieth century. How successful Littlefield’s product was, we aren’t sure. Phalen’s History of the Town of Acton says that the product had an “extensive market both in this country and abroad.” That may have been the case, but we found no newspaper mention of his product outside of the local area, or even locally beyond the 1898-1900 period. We did learn, however, that H. A. Littlefield was a very busy man. Anti-Fly seems only to have been a small part of his business life. Hanson A. Littlefield was born in Boxborough in 1848 to Jacob and Ann Brooks (Raymond) Littlefield. After his marriage in 1869 to Florence M. Preston, he moved to West Acton. His occupation was given as a carpenter in the 1870 Census, a wheelwright in his son Sheldon’s 1878 birth record, and a real estate agent in the 1880 Census. Concord Enterprise ads show that he also worked as an auctioneer. According to Phalen’s History, Hanson Littlefield invented cider jelly and had a business called the Littlefield and Robinson Cider Jelly Manufacturing Company that he sold to his partner in roughly 1884. The Cider Jelly Mill owned by Charles Robinson is documented (on a Walker’s Middlesex County Land Ownership map from 1889 and in Boston Globe and Concord Enterprise newspaper articles), but it seems unlikely that Mr. Littlefield was the inventor of cider jelly. Various unsourced websites indicate that boiled cider (thickened to a syrup) and cider jelly were commonplace in New England. Online searching led to an article in an 1865 journal complaining about an attempt to patent the process of evaporation to make cider jelly. “… we received from Messrs. Corey & Sons, Lima Ind., a very fine sample of cider jelly. It had been made on Cook’s Sorgo Evaporator with Corey’s improvements. … these gentlemen are not the inventors of cider jelly by evaporation. We ate it years before they obtained their patent.” (Sorgo Journal and Farm Machinist, Volume III. Cincinnati, Ohio: Clark Sorgo Machine Company, 1865, page 86). Gail Borden (of New York, inventor of condensed milk) also mentioned the concentration of cider down to a jelly in applying for a patent on his process (#35,919, July 22, 1862). During the time period when Hanson Littlefield’s jelly business might have been in operation, references to cider jelly appeared in newspapers as far away as Iowa. Clearly, Hanson Littlefield did not invent cider jelly, and we did not find any indication that he received a patent for improving the cider jelly-making process. He seems to have moved on to other ventures. The Society has a collection of business records that belonged to Hanson Littlefield that do not even touch on his Anti-Fly and Cider Jelly businesses. Among the records is a promissory note for a billiard table that he purchased on February 21, 1876 and an account book relating to expenses and revenues for a “room.” Entries in the book for various customers detailing billiards, pool, and tobacco indicate that one of his early commercial ventures was running a pool hall. (Cards and dice occasionally appear as well.) The most well-documented of H. A. Littlefield’s enterprises was his store in West Acton. The Society has some of his account books, mostly from the 1880s and 1890s. Those books, Acton town reports, and ads in the Enterprise show that he sold a broad array of items; coffee, tea, baking supplies, spices, fish, fruit, tubs of Vermont butter, canned goods, tobacco, screens, lamp parts and oil, tinware, paints, shellacs, seeds, farming tools, carpets, brooms, horse halters and reins, shirt waists, overalls, corsets, pantaloons, shoes, boots, baseballs and bats, toys, cloth, bluine powder for laundry, dyes, diaries, witch hazel salve, a “One minute Cough Cure”, and even a lot of 300 empty barrels.
One of Littlefield's many ads (Concord Enterprise, May 27, 1892) told potential customers that “We have a fresh, clean lot of groceries and other goods neither flavored with smoke or dirty water, at the lowest possible prices. Buy at home and get good goods, save time and money.” (One has to wonder which competitor’s merchandise he was comparing his own against.) Business was presumably good. Around 1893, Littlefield built a large hall in West Acton where meetings, dances, lectures, and basketball games were held. The store was evidently on the bottom floor, a large community meeting space was above that, and the top floor was the home of the Odd Fellows, of which Littlefield was a member. Hanson Littlefield was elected as an Acton selectman in 1893 and 1903. He was a notary and a justice of the peace, served as animal inspector according to a Concord Enterprise article (May 27, 1892), and was a member of a committee that looked into the town water supply in 1895. He was an active Democrat repeatedly elected to Democratic committee positions. He was appointed as postmaster in West Acton twice, first in 1886 and again in 1893, both times under Democratic president Grover Cleveland. At the time, the position was granted politically and often involved moving the post office to the place of business of the postmaster, undoubtedly bringing more customers into the store. Littlefield was also active in various local organizations, among them the Odd Fellows and the Grange. He and his wife raised a family of seven children. Given his obvious abundant energy and activity, it is amazing to read in his Boston Sunday Globe obituary (Aug 3, 1903, page 2) that Littlefield had been “an invalid for a long time, and had been a great sufferer.” He died on July 28, 1903, his doctor stating that the cause was cancer of a year’s duration. According to the Concord Enterprise (August 5, 1903), business was suspended in West Acton to allow townspeople to attend his funeral. He was buried at Mount Hope Cemetery. Hanson Littlefield was spared having to see his Hall completely destroyed by fire the next year, taking with it the grocery of his successor and all of the Acton Odd Fellows’ records, furnishings, and fraternal items. Given the proximity of the Hall to other buildings, the fire was expected to spread. Other towns’ firefighters had been summoned and were preparing to come to help when news was sent out that the blaze had been brought under control by the Acton firefighters. (The October 29, 1904 Fitchburg Sentinel mentioned that its local firefighters were a bit disappointed not to be able to take their “wild morning ride” by train to join in the fight.) The Odd Fellows Hall was rebuilt in the same location where it can still be seen at the corner of Central and Arlington Streets. Pictures of Littlefield’s Hall seem to be very rare, but we were delighted to find that Eugene L. Hall, whose photographic glass plates were donated to the Society, took two pictures of Littlefield Hall before it burned. |
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